The mystery about the hastily-arranged ‘working meeting’ between Russian President Vladimir Putin and his Iranian counterpart Masoud Pezeshkian at Ashgabat, Turkmenistan, on Friday has only deepened after the event. This was their first-ever meeting. Putin didn’t even have the post-event presser.
Why such a meeting was considered necessary becomes an intriguing thought, as the two leaders are to meet in Kazan within days on the sidelines of the BRICS Summit on October 22-24.
Russia and Iran have had a difficult relationship through centuries. It remains complicated, as the protracted negotiations over their strategic partnership treaty have shown. They have serious conflict of interests, as thecontroversial idea of Zangezur Corridormakes plain.
The two countries are potential competitors in Europe’s energy market. Both are tough practitioners of strategic autonomy. Their partnership in a future multipolar world order belies an overall prediction.
At Ashgabat, Pezeshkian pointedly suggested to Putin that the signing of their proposed strategic treatyshould be speeded up. Putin isknown to have approved the draft agreementas far back as September 18. What is holding back the signing ceremony begs an explanation. Pezeshkian proposed that the ceremony could take place in Kazan. But the Russian side is dragging its feet.
The ambivalence is reminiscent of the inordinate delay some years ago in Russia’s transfer ofS-300 mobile surface-to-air missile system to Iraneven after Tehran had made payment for the system. In sheer exasperation, Iran filed a $4 billion lawsuit against Russia’s defence export agency and embarked on the manufacture of its own long-range, mobile air defence system, the Bavar-373.
Simply put, Russia came under US-Israeli pressure. Geopolitical considerations continue to prevail in Russia’s arms transfers with Iran. Pezeshkian, after his return to Tehran disclosed to the media that he had told Putin that Russia should “act more effectively in relation to the crimes committed by the Zionist regime in Gaza and Lebanon.”
Apparently, the tense exchange at Ashgabat provoked a frank remark later by Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Sergey Ryabkov to Tass, the state news agency. Ryabkov said: “We are closely and anxiously following the events [in the Israel-Iran standoff], the risk of a large-scale conflict is indeed high. The tendency to escalate into a full-scale conflict is a real danger. Wecall on all partiesto exercise restraint. We are in intensive dialogue with the countries of the region. And once again — a major war can be avoided, buteveryone must show restraint.” [Emphasis added.]
Indeed, Moscow is pragmatically continuing with its ‘neutrality,’ which of course does not help Tehran. At the same time, Putin reportedly did not take a call recently from Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu! Presumably, Russian-Israeli cogitations have disappeared underground.
That is understandable, as Russia keenly monitors the trajectory of the US-Israeli relationship. The paradox is, while powerful strikes on Iran’s infrastructure is impossible without US help and any Israeli plan to attack Iran would require preliminary discussions with the Pentagon, the Biden Administration is hoping with bated breath that Netanyahu keeps it in the loop about planned military actions .
On the other hand, the US’willingness to assist in planning an offensive against Iran is also iffy. Last week, Nezavisimaya Gazeta newspaper quoted a Russian analyst Vladimir Frolov who used to be an employee of the Russian Embassy in the US: “I think Biden and company do not want an escalation [with Iran.] Israel’s relations with Biden are irreparably damaged. Netanyahu is just lying to him… Netanyahu is waiting for Donald Trump.”
That makes it twosome. Like the duo in Samuel Beckett’s existential playWaiting for Godot,Putin and Netanyahu are waiting for Trump who may not even show up at the end of the day. What happens then? Quite obviously, while Russia prefers a Trump presidency to mend the broken ties with the US, Iran will be far more comfortable with Kamala Harris.
On Sunday, the Iranian foreign ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei Hamaneh repeated that Tehran is resolved to pursue its right to prosecute the perpetrators of Lt. General Qassem Soleimani’s assassination.
To quote Baghaei Hamaneh, “This cowardly wrongful act, recognised as unlawful and arbitrary by the United Nations, entails international responsibility of the United States government as well asindividual criminal responsibility of the perpetrators.Iran is resolved to pursue its right to prosecute the perpetrators, as the proceedings are going on in a Tehran court.”
On the other hand, there is a sense of uneasiness in Moscow about the intentions of the Pezeshkian government, which has prioritised the resumption of negotiations with the West.The high-level diplomatic traffic between Tehran and Moscow is no longer as dense as it used to be during thepresidency of late Ebrahim Raisi.
Last week, top US officials went out of the way to affirm that despite tensions with Israel, Tehran is not ‘upgrading’ its nuclear doctrine. A spokesperson for the Office of the Director of National Intelligence (ODNI) in Washington added to thepublic remarks earlier in the weekby CIA Director William Burns, who said the US had not seen any evidence of Iran’s Supreme Leaderreversing his 2003 decision to suspend the weaponisation programme.
Interestingly, Nournews, which is identified with the security establishment in Tehran, commented that the US intelligence assessment “could help explain the US opposition to any Israeli strike on Iran’s nuclear program in retaliation” — that is to say, the US could still be keeping an eye on future nuclear negotiations with Iran.
At the Ashgabat meeting, Pezeshkian told Putin that Iran and Russia have good mutual and complementary potentials and can help each other. Pezeshkian stressed that Iran’s ties with Russia are “sincere and strategic.” He added, “Our positions on global matters are much closer to each other than to those of many other countries.”
According to theKremlin transcript, Putin told Pezeshkian, “Our relationship with Iran is apriority forus, andit is developing very successfully… We are actively cooperating ontheinternational arena, andoften share close oreven converging assessments oftheongoing developments.”
However, on his part, Pezeshkian remarked that “we must ensure that our relations improve andbecome stronger moving forward. We have many opportunities toachieve this objective, andit is our duty toassist one another inthese efforts. We share similar visions, andthere are many similarities interms ofour respective international standing.”
When it comes to the Ukraine conflict, Tehran’s stance is similar to India’s approach.Interestingly, in a post on X in the weekend, Iranian foreign minister Abbas Araghchi wrote that in his recent interactions in New York with top EU officials, he categorically told them “Iran-Russia military cooperation is not new; it has a history, long before the Ukrainian crisis began… I clearly said, and reiterate once again: we’ve NOT provided ballistic missiles to Russia. If Europe needs a case to appease Israel’s blackmail, better find another story.”
Significantly, at the Ashgabat meeting, neither Putin nor Pezeshkian claimed a strategic convergence in the salience of the two countries’ respective foreign policies. Pezeshkian, nonetheless, assured Putin that he looked forward to attending the upcoming BRICS summit and “we will do everything needed toapprove andsign thedocuments onits agenda.”